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CAPITAL MARKET STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

CAPITAL MARKET STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

  • Background of the Study – –         –         –         –         –         –         1
  • Statement of Research Problem – –         –         –         –         –         4
  • Objectives of the Study –         –         –         –         –         –         –         4
  • Aim of the Study –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         4
  • Significance of the Study –         –         –         –         –         –         4
  • Research Questions –         –         –         –         –         –         –         5
  • Hypothesis6Scope of the Study – –         –         –         –         –         6
  • Limitation of the Study –         –         –         –         –         –         –         6
  • Methodology –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         7
  • Definition of Terms –         –         –         –         –         –         –         7
  • Characterization –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         9

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1     Introduction –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         11

2.2     Gender Inequality  –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         11

2.1.1  Women and Education in Nigeria        –         –         –         –         –         15

2.1.3  Women and Political Participation in Nigeria –         –         –         18

2.1.4  Women and Development         –         –         –         –         –         –         18

2.2     Marginalization of Women in Power   –         –         –         –         –

2.3.1  The Theory of Sexism     –         –         –         –         –         –         –         25

 

CHAPTER THREE

3.1     History of Political Participation of Women in Kaduna State         32

3.2     The Women Participation in the First and Second Republic                   33

3.3     The Women Participation in the Third and Fourth Republic                  35

3.4     Women Participation in 2011 General Election in Kaduna State            39

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1     Introduction           –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         42

4.2     Respondents’ Characteristics     –         –         –         –         –         –         42

4.3     Analysis of Data    –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         45

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1      Summary of Findings     –         –         –         –         –         –         –         52

5.2     Conclusion            –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         53

  • Recommendations –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         54

Bibliography    –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         56

Appendix         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         –         58

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT

The study is to assess the gender inequality and women participation in politics: 2011 General election in Nigeria, a case study of Kaduna state. The scope of the study was restricted to the 2011 general elections in Kaduna state. A total of 110 questionnaires were used, only 100 were recovered successfully. The questionnaire was analysed using statistical and frequency tables, bar chart and pie chart. The objective of the research also (a) assesses the nature of women participation in politics at the 2011 general elections in Kaduna state (b) and identify the disadvantages associated with the women failure in 2011 general elections(c)To identifies the cost of running electioneering campaign which was high in the 2011 general elections. The methodology was through the use of both primary and secondary data form. The findings suggests that economic disadvantage plays a key role in the poor performance of women in the 2011general elections. The recommendation suggested that in order to ensure active participation of women in politics, government and political parties should increase the level of awareness of women by organizing seminars, workshops not only in the cities but also in the villages.  

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

  • Background of the Study

Gender inequality has been an issue for several centuries, the world over. Though history has it that fewer women have been in power even before colonialism. Instances are the Queen of Daura, the Sarauniya of Zazzau in pre-jihad, the Angwu Tsi who was almost the counterpart of the King, with her own Palace, in the middle belt, Iyayun the Queen who ruled in fifteenth century in Oyo, after the death of her husband (Modupe, 2001).

Though from the foregoing, it will be seen that very, very few women have had the opportunity in a leadership position, yet in every one or single case of women, there are several hundreds of the male counterparts.

Sexism has become a major problem in Nigerian politics. Women have been politically considered endangered species and their low participation in Nigerian government and politics is often associated with culture, religious, economic constraint and male chauvinism. The African society in general and Nigerian society in particular has placed most of the leadership roles on the men folk, thereby championing the course of gender inequality.

Economically, some feminist perceive women’s marginality in the conduct and management of the public affairs as arising from their entrenchment of the globalized capitalists relations of production. The traditional society did not recognize the contributions of women in any decision making process. The women are carefully ignored in any important meeting of the family, community and even in government establishments. Till today, community development meetings are always held at night thereby making it impossible for most women to attend.

A relationship, which ensures that majority of Nigerian women are peasants and home makers. Nonetheless, feminists have failed to fundamentally unravel in their explanatory analysis to the feminine gender self-emulating attitudes. Feminine gender-self-destructive factors is the decline of women participation in government and it is often lay in exist analysis, for instance, the 1991 population census put the number of Nigerian women at about 44 million which is almost 50%, and by implication, half of the Nigerian electorates (National Population Census Commission). This electoral power has not been converted to assertive feminine electoral and political advantages over the years (NNCC Report, 1991).

In recent past, however, especially in the wake of the millennium and also in the 2011 general elections, many women have risen up to the challenges of the time. Many women have come to assume leadership positions in both politics and religion. This is a giant step in the right direction as it will go a long way in breaking the jinx of gender inequality and male chauvinism in Nigeria society.

The 2011 general elections presented women with good opportunities to navigate the way to power, those in attendance were female legislators, representative of various women’s groups, women and male gender activists, the market women’s association, professional associations and media practitioners. All these groups of women are after the actualizing the 35% Affirmative Action Committee by President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

The 2011 general election was seen as a good platform to authenticate the voting pattern of Nigerian women. It is truly evident the active participation and the support of women to the 2011 campaigns and elections, hence the need for reflection and focused advocacy for the conscious and quality inclusion of women in the structures of the newly elected government and parliament through clear pronouncements and action (AIT’s Focus Nigeria, 2012).

 

 

  • Statement of Research Problem

Gender inequality especially in the political arena is a serious challenge being faced by women in Kaduna State.

The statement of the problem therefore, is the issue of economic disadvantage which might have impacted negatively on the women’s participation in the 2011 general election in Kaduna State.

 

  • Research Questions

What are the roles of women in Kaduna State politics, past and present?

Why has there been this near absence of women in politics?

This study analyzes the gender inequalities in Kaduna State politics and redefines this problem in terms of the present political situation. The questions to be answered by this research work include the following:

  1. What were the measures used by the government to improve women’s participation in politics during the 2011 general election?
  2. To what extent did women’s participation improve the politics of Kaduna State?
  • Are the primary roles of wife and mother too demanding to permit women’s other kinds of activity in politics?
  1. What were the factors that combined to enforce discrimination against women in the 2011 general election?
    • Objectives of the Study

The objective, which this research work seeks to achieve includes:

  1. To assess the nature of women participation in politics in Kaduna State 2011 general election.
  2. To identify the economic disadvantages associated with the women failure in 2011 general election.
  • To identify the cost of running electioneering campaign which was high in the 2011 general election.

 

  • Significance of the Study

Women’s participation in Kaduna politics is a contentious issue in the Nigerian political life. The issue of inequality has therefore been perceived by different people especially the women folk as an attempt to erode their fundamental rights. This research work therefore will address the following:

  • To proffer an enduring solution through its findings and recommendations.
  • Contribute to the bulk of knowledge in the existing literature. Nevertheless, the project will also serve as a guide to future researchers who intend to investigate in this area.

 

 

  • Hypothesis

H1: Women’s participation in politics is hindered by cultural, religious and economic factors.

H0: Women’s participation in politics is not hindered by cultural, religious and economic factors.

  • Scope of the Study

This study is aimed at women participation in politics and it shall be narrowed to the 2011 general election. The study will investigate the electoral process general elections and it will concentrate on gender and party politics.

  • Limitation of the Study

The researcher was faced with a number of constraints in the process of carrying out this study. Some of them are discussed below:

  • Time: Time is one limiting factor of the study. This relates to the fact that this research work is one out of a number of different courses, the researcher is pursuing for first semester examination for the final year.
  • Inadequate Finance: The price of most of the materials needed for the study had been increased in the recent past. This constrained the researcher to strict conservation of almost everything at the expense of presenting a better work.
    • Methodology

The researcher intends to adopt the quantitative method of data analysis. The primary source of data will be collected through questionnaires which will be administered randomly using the three senatorial zones of the state. The secondary source will include books, journals on gender inequality and also publication on electronic media. In collecting data, statistical tools will be used such as percentage and diagrams.

  • Definition of Terms
  • Gender: Gender refers to the socially constructed roles, behavior, activities, and attributes that a particular society considers appropriate for men and women.
  • Gender Inequality: Gender inequality refers to disparity between individuals due to gender. Gender is constructed socially through social interaction as well as biologically through chromosomes, brain structures and hormonal differences (Wikipedia).
  • Woman: Women is defined as an adult female person.
  • Women Right: These are inalienable, integral and indivisible parts of universal human rights.
  • Women Violation: These are gender-based violence, which may likely result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women including threats, coercion, or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in private or public life.
  • Women Empowerment: This refers to the provision and availability of opportunity and services which enables women to actively participation and contribute to political, economic, social and cultural development of the nation.
  • Discrimination against Women: According to the new edition of Oxford Advance Dictionary, discrimination is the practice of treating somebody or a particular group in the society less fairly than the others. Discrimination against women therefore, stands for the practice of treating women less fairly than men in the society.
  • Women Participation in Politics: According to Ibrahim and Salihu, the marginalization of women in the society can be traced back to humanity’s history. It is not restricted to specific culture and people, variations often occur in its nature and manifestation. However, it is by no means inherent in man’s nature but social phenomenon that reveals itself through relationship and the emerging culture values and norms often affirmed through existing institutional and legal structure of the society. It is in the light of the foregoing that Odofu ad Omojuwa posited that, women worldwide are in a disadvantageous position and that the above statement currently situates the negative plight of women in global and historical context.
    • Chapterization

The project work is broken down into chapters, sections and sub-sections. Generally, there are five chapters in this research work.

Chapter One contains the introduction, statement of the problem, objectives of the study, significance of the study, research questions, assumptions, scope and limitation, research methodology and conceptual clarification.

Chapter Two is also broken down into sections and sub-sections, it contains the literature review which comprises of the introduction, gender inequality, women and education in Nigeria, women and political participation in Nigeria, women and development, marginalization of women in power, and the theoretical framework of sexism.

Chapter Three contains the history of political participation of women in Kaduna State, the women participation in the first and second republic, the women participation in the third and fourth republic and women participation in 2011 general election in Kaduna state.

Chapter Four will serve the purpose of data presentation and analysis, analysis of responses to General questions on Assessment of the nature of gender inequality and women participation in politics in 2011 general election in Nigeria, a case study of Kaduna state.

Chapter Five contains the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations.

 

REFERENCES

Benue Valley Journal of Humanities, Vol. 6, No. 2, December 2005.

Faseke, M. (2001). The Nigerian Women: Her Economic and Socio-Political Status in Time Perspective, Ibadan: Agape Publication.

Ibrahim, J. and Salihu, A. [ed] (2004). Women Marginalization and Politics, Abuja: Osiwa Global Right CDD, pp. 7.

International Journal of Social and Policy Issues (2009), Volume Number 1 and 2.

Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, New Edition, Vienna Declaration 1993: Articles 1 and 8.

Sa’adu Zungur (1999). An Anthropology of the Social and Political Writings of a Nigerian Nationalist.

 

 

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1     Introduction

Generally, literature review means the review of the works of several authors, thinkers, philosophers, writers, commentators, who have written books on the same problem areas. The purpose of literature review is, to provide a theoretical perspective for the research work.

For the purpose of this research work therefore, the works of several authors will be reviewed. The concepts to be reviewed in those works including concepts like gender inequality, women and development, women and education in Nigeria, women and political participation, marginalization of women in power and the theory of sexism including its major proponents and tenets.

 

 

2.2     Gender Inequality

Gender Inequality often stern from social structures that have institutionalized conceptions of gender differences. Cultural stereotypes are possible are possible explanations for gender inequality and the resulting gender disparity. According to Margaret M. (1982), in her article written on the analysis on gender and the society, women have been traditionally are designated to occupations which requires such skills. While these skills are culturally valued, they were typically associated with domesticity. Therefore, occupation requiring these skills is not economically valued. Men have been traditionally viewed as “bread winners” or the workers, so jobs held by men have been historically and economically value and paid higher wages.

Gender inequality can further be understood through the mechanism of sexism. Margaret M. further said in the article on society and gender argued that discrimination takes place in this manner as men and women are subjected to prejudicial treatment based on gender alone.

Evermore, she is of the opinion that, sexism occurs when men and women are subject to prejudicial treatment based on gender alone. Sexism occurs when men and women are framed with two dimension of social cognition.

Benevolent sexism takes place when women are viewed as possessing low degree of competency and high degree of warmth. Although this is the result of a more positive stereotype of women, this still contribute to gender inequality as the stereotype is only applied to women who only conform to the caring and nurturing stereotypes, with the remaining women still been discriminated against as they are not viewed in the positive light. In addition, this form of sexism has negative effects as well as these notions of women, which includes the idea that women are weak and in need of protection from the men.

Hostile Sexism takes place when women are viewed as having high level of competence but low degree of warmth. This form of sexism is framed as an antagonistic attitude towards women and occurs, as women are perceived to be attempting to control men, either through sexual seduction or through feminist ideology.

Discrimination also plays out with networking and in preferential treatment within the economic market. Men typically occupy positions of power within the job economy. Due to taste or preference for other men because they share similar characteristics, men in this position of power are more likely to have and promote other men, thus discrimination against women.

Kurts in Ebere (2003), believes that “gender has to do with social complex relationship between males and females in the society as well as the power and economic differential associated with them.

Inequality has to do with social factors in the society. It with deals with activities that are appropriate for males and females and what rights, resources and powers have inequality is a form of discrimination against the female folk. It is inadequate participation of women in developmental issues and decision making process.

According to Bukoye (2007), that gender discrimination is any distinction and exclusion made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, employment or exercise by women irrespective of their marital status.

According to Colemen (1987), Gender Inequality or discrimination remain pervasive in many dimensions of life worldwide. This is so, despite considerable advances in gender equality in recent decades. The nature and extent of the discrimination very considerably across countries and regions, but the patterns are striking.

In no region of the developing world are women equal to men in legal, social and economic rights. Gender gaps are widespread in access to and control of resources in economic opportunities, in power and political voice. This has dealt a deadly blow to development. Women who are intelligent are resourceful are relegated to the background simply because of age-long tradition and culture. What this means is that these women cannot contribute their own quota to development. The time has come for nations, most especially the developing ones, to map out strategies that will promote gender equality that will consequently lead to development.

Gender Inequality is an issue that often lies only at the periphery of policy dialogue and decision-making, both in national and international arena. Part of the neglect comes from policy makers’ reluctance to deal with topics they deem inextricably associated with societal norms, religion, or cultural tradition. Part comes from a belief that gender gaps should be addressed by advocacy, not policy. And part comes from real or feigned ignorance about the nature of gender disparities and the costs of these disparities to people well-being and countries prospects for development.

 

 

2.1.1  Women and Education in Nigeria

Illiteracy and lack of education and training in basic skills contribute to the vicious circle of underdevelopment, low productivity and poor condition of health and welfare. One of the indicators of low status accorded to women in several societies in the discrimination against them in education.

Most parents in Nigeria are biased in favour of the education of their sons at the expense of those of their daughters. These parents are often willing to make financial sacrifice for their sons than their daughter’s education. Education has the potential to bring about changes in the status of women by enhancing their productivity, not only in the market but also in the household and child care.

According to the U.N. report on “Human Development Review in 1995,” which conducted a survey on adult literacy rates as percentage of male for selected parts of the world in 1992. Nigeria recorded 66% female rates as percentage of males, all developing countries recorded 73%, sub-Saharan Africa equally recorded 66% while the least developed countries recorded 57% (U.N. report on human development review 1992).

Women in Nigeria have had various challenges in order to obtain equal education. Education is a basic human right and has been recognized as such since the 1948 adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. A positive correlation exists between the enrollment of girls in primary school and the gross national product and increase of life expectancy. Rapid socio-economic development of a nation has been observed to depend on the calibre of women and their education in that country.

In the 1960s, when most African states began to gain their political independence, there was considerable gender disparity in education. Girls’ enrollment figures were very low throughout the continent. In May 1961, the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and UNESCO’s educational plans for Nigeria were announced in a conference held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopa.

According to the Examination Council of Nigeria (1994), there are still other problems such as high drop-out rates of female students, poor performance, reluctance on the part of female students to enroll in science based courses and poor classroom participation. The completion of the second Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) target i.e. education for all by 2012 is at risk after having the missed the initial deadline of 2005 in Nigeria, educational facilities are generally believed to be inadequate and access is limited for many, especially girls and women.

According to the United Nations Human Development Report (2005), Nigeria was classified as a low development country in respect of equality in educational accessibility. Currently, Nigerian women are making advancements within their society. In recent years, three dominated professions, The Nigerian Medical association, the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria and the Nigerian Bar Association have been led by female presidents.

 

2.1.3  Women and Political Participation in Nigeria

Ajayi (1998:137) noted that; an important area where inequality has been observed all over the world is in political participation. The political world is essentially male dominated despite the increase participation of women in politics in recent years. An examination of the political development in Nigeria suggests that the role of women in politics is minimal. There was no single representation of women in the forty-nine wise men that drafted the nation’s 1979 constitute despite the large number of professional women in the country. In the two political parties that were formed for presidential elections (The National Republican Convention and the Social Democratic Party) women Representation in the executive positions were also tangible.

Different reasons have been advanced for this negligible visibility and leadership opportunities of women in politics. It has been noted for instance that women are pre-emptied from leading political roles by the attitude to women who cannot see women in leadership role over them.

 

 

2.1.4  Women and Development

Omu and Makinwa, (1987), Awareness about the role of women in development gained momentum in the later half of the 1980s. awareness was further enhanced in 1995 as a result of the effective participation of women Women. In the International conference on women in Beijing, China. Inspite of these efforts, it is appropriate to state that the role of Nigerian Women in development has not be sufficiently emphasized.

Ola (1978), in pre-colonial Bomu, for instance, women played active parts in the administrations of the State. They held very important offices in the royal family, including the offices of the Megira (the Queen Mother) and the Gumsu (the first wife of the Mai or King).

Women also played a very significant role in the political history of ancient Zaria. The modern city of Zaria was founded in the first half of the 16th century, by a woman called Queen Bakwa Turuku. She had a daughter called Amina who later succeeded her as Queen Amina was a great and powerful warrior. She built a high wall around Zaria in order to protect the city from invasion and extended the boundaries of her territory beyond Bauchi. The people of Kano and Katsina paid tributes to her. She turned Zaria into a very prominent commercial centre.

 

In Africa, one of the first to recognize the importance of women in farming was Baumann in (1928) with his classic article the division of work according to Sex in African Hoe culture. Ester Boserup’s pioneering Women’s role in agricultural economies and the lack of alignment of development project with this reality. Boserup showed that women often did more than half the agricultural work, in one case as 80%, and that they also played an important role in trade.

 

According to O.O. Ajayi (1998), the role of women in the economic development cannot be over estimated. Women are found to contribute significantly to economic production in almost all societies, in several societies, their contributions in agricultural production is even greater than those of the men. In retail trading, cottage industries and service occupations, women have continued to play significant roles. Unfortunately, much of women’s works remain unrecognized and unvalued. Women enjoy the same opportunities as men in hardly any society. In areas of education, nutrition, political participation, employment, they remain disadvantaged inspite of the progresses that have been made in the recent part to ensure equal opportunities for both men and women.

Ajayi further posits that an important feature of the different ways through which women’s status has been examined, is the adoption of common indicators include education of women, their participation in economic activities and politics, and other access to productive resources especially land and credit.

The use of basic need framework has made it possible to have a more humanly grounded approach to development. Indicators such as education, employment, political participations and access to productive resources could serve as a potential tool for social cleavages, particularly for breaking down social role differentiation.

2.2     Marginalization of Women in Power

Ojuolape (2000:1), said that in the Yoruba speaking, south-west Nigeria, there were notable women such as “Erelus”, “Ayabas” and “Oloris” (Kings’ wives), “Iyalodes (Women Leaders), “Iyalajes” (Market Women’s Leader), “Yeye Obas” (King’s Mother) and “Iya Olosas” (Goddess Priests) etc., seriously influenced the political development of the societies. Likewise the Hausa-Fulani traditional political emirate of Northern Nigeria, Queen  Amina’s influence and contributions to the political development of the emirate remains a unique reference point.

However, existing gender literature and history have not sufficiently captured the relevance of women in that era. Rationalizing explanations for this intellectual discrimination, literally and historical injustice against women, Sadiqi (2000: 35) opines that conventional African history provides only fragmentary images of women because men wrote them.

Despite the gender asymmetry in the colonial administration, the Nigeria women folk made useful contributions to the nationalism movements, which constitute vanguards against colonial administration. Women collectives such as the Aba women, rioted against colonial tax policies, while at the individual level, women like Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, Margaret Ekpo, Gambo Sawaba, participated in the anti-colonial struggle and took part in the negotiation for independence (Federal Ministry for Women Affairs, 2000: Sanda).

Kule A. (2007), opined that, despite women’s participation in the anti colonial struggle, they were marginalized in the post independence indigenous administration of Tafawa Balewa (1960 – 66). Hence, according to Ukeje (1998: 179), the 348 seats of the national parliament had only 2 (0.6%) female members in the executive and legislature.

The military regimes of Aguiyi Ironsi, General Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed, Obasanjo and General Buhari, sustained the colonial sexism in the nation’s politics. The regimes had no women member in their respective armed forces ruling council which was the highest policy making body and non was appointed a minister, although one or two women were appointed as Commissioners at regional/state level.

The Babangida military regime (1985-1993) accorded women marginal gains. The transitional institutions set up by the regime such as the constituent assembly, had 150 members with only 5 women (3.3%). The transitional senate had only one woman out of 91 members. The house of representative produced only 12 women out of 638 members. The President and Speaker of the respective houses were men. Kunle A. (2007).

The Shonekan’s interim administration appointed a woman as a Minister. The regime lasted for 84 days. The general Abdulsalami’s regime had four female ministers out of about forty. The Abacha’s reigme firstlady, embarked on feminist advocacy through her program “family support”, but not much was gained for women beyond the elevation of her husband.

 

Sexism is not only restricted to the political sphere. Women are also subjugated to discrimination in the judicial system. Hence, according to Ugbagwu (2005:1), “the first female justice of the supreme court was appointed in April 2005 when Justice Aloma Mukhtar was so approved by President Olusegun Obasanjo.”

 

According to Oloja (2005:3), “the question therefore is when will the nation produce its first female President? Governor, Female Service Chiefs?” According to him, it is opposite at this point to theoretically interrogate the forces propelling sex bias in the nation’s politics.

 

In the 2011 general elections an increased number of Nigerian women defied the adds, ‘stepped into the murky waters of politics, aspired and contested for party’s primaries, many lost, yet a significant number compared to previous elections won the party’s primaries and contested for elective positions in the various political parties. In the just concluded 2011 general elections in Nigeria. Female candidates constituted 9.1% of the total number of candidates who contested election into National Assembly in the 2011 general elections cross all the political parties. There were 3306 candidates with men accounting for 3004 (90.9%) and women 302 (9.1%). Despite the many female aspirants, only few emerged as candidates and fewer of them emerged as winners at the polls. Unfortunately, the number and percentage of women who were successful at the polls in 2011 was less than the figure in 2007. Whereas, the 2007 figure was higher than the figure in the 2003 general election; and the figure in 2003 as higher than the figure in the 1999 general elections. In 1999, the overall percentage of women was 2%, in 2003, it was 4% and in 2007, it was 6%.

Although the number of female candidates increased for most of the elective positions, there was only 1 female presidential candidate in the person of Mrs. Ebiti Ndok of the Untied National Party for Development. It is doubtful if she eventually voter given issues she had with the administration of justice system. It should be noted that Sarah Jibril was a presidential aspirant under the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), she lost at the primaries.

In the foregoing literatures reviewed revealed that gender disparity on women in politics is a product of several factors. In physical strength and agility women are equal to men. The case of gender inequality should seriously be looked into as men hide under the guise to perpetrate acts of injustice against women. Women should also wake up from their slumber and seek to occupy leadership positions in political arena and the government should also give them the opportunity to occupy strong position without discrimination.

2.3.1  The Theory of Sexism

According to the new Webster’s Dictionary of English Language, sexism is the attitude and institutions, often unconscious, that judge human worthy on the grounds of gender or sex roles or it could be prejudice or discrimination, against women based on their gender.

According to the Oxford Advanced Dictionary, Sexism is the unfair treatment of people, especially women, based on sex, feminist and gender scholars have rationally viewed justifications theoretically for sexism. These rationalizations are often situated within the boundaries of physiology/biology, tradition, culture, materials and modernity.

The proponents of this theory include Karl Marx, Peter Glick, Susan Fsike, Mary Anstell etc. The sexist theory has the following tenets:

  1. Fundamental, physical and psychological differences between men and women, in part, account for the ascribed masculine supremacy and paternity in the societies.
  2. Cultures and societies are deciders of gender roles.

iii.      Women oppression is in connection with production.

Fundamental physical and physiology/biology, differences between men and women, in part, account for the ascribed masculine supremacy, and patriarchy inevitability in societies (Kramarae and Treichler, 1988: 2261). Partriachism is the most crucial form of feminine domination, the legitimacy of which ironically rests upon tradition.

Sarget (1981: 90) consents to the differentiation in role allocation and eventual subordination of women as a by-product of bio-physiological differences.

Cultural gender determinists notably Ann Oakley and Sherry Ortner espoused the view that culture and society are the deciders of gender roles.

In their respective analysis, they opined that culture is the sum total of human societies accumulation of traditions, values, norms, prescription of behaviour, among other things, over the years of their existence (George, 1990: 25026). Accordingly, these legacies are transmitted from generation to generation, and members of a culture determine gender roles, thereby the universal subordinate status of women in politics is historical, having been determined by culture and society, and which members think of as absolute and unchangeable. In essence, the cultural order puts men above women. Accordingly, the order bestows on man the responsibility to guard the terms and the natural foundations up which the development of society and the home is founded, while the women guards the home unity and health as well as the integration of society through rearing, including the nurturing of off-springs when they are young (Abayomi, 2000: 27-28).

The materialist (Marxist) analysis of the women question takes a different dimension on the feminist question. It examine the status of women in relation to the economic system, rather than the relationship between men and women. The end point of the analysis is that, women’s oppression is in connection with production.

Marxist feminist, consequently focus on housework and its relation to capital arguing that house workers work directly for capitalists (Sagent, op. cit. 4), the men (husbands) act as the domestic capitalists or compradors, who subject the housewives to exploitation as the latter’s labour in the home including providing services as laundry, cooking, cleaning the environment and child rearing, are not subjected to economic evaluation or monetization and be so rewarded accordingly. Women’s oppression will ease to exist, in the projection of George (op. cit: 27), when class oppression disappears as a result of proletarian revolution, which will invariably emancipate both men and women from capitalist exploitation. Unfortunately, the dream of women liberation and emancipation from men’s oppression may not  be attainable because of the demise of communism, which had intended to provide the ideological framework and foundation for such revolutionary Putsch by the oppressed workers.

Gender theologists in their justifications, rationalize religious injunctions as the determining basis for gender inequality in the society. These theoretical factors are assembly deterministic of the sex roles in the society, and by extension, decide life opportunities and how far each sex can go in the societal scheme of things.

 

 

Ambivalent Sexism

Ambivalent Sexism has two sub-components: hostile sexism and benevolent sexism which means “well wishing or friendly: Traditionally, only hostile sexism was considered relevant, but recently, a strong stream of research has been conducted to show the detrimental effects of benevolent sexism.

Ambivalent sexism offers a reconceptualization of the traditional view of sexism to include both subjectively benevolent and hostile feedings toward women. The addition of the benevolent component is a major contribution because it addresses the interdependency that men and women share.

Benevolent and hostile sexism both reinforce traditional gender roles and preserve patriarchal social structures by sharing the common assumption that women are the weaker sex, the two forms of sexism differ in their expression.

Benevolent sexism is defined as subjectively positive attitudes of protection, idealization and affection towards women in traditional roles while hostile sexism is defined as their negative equivalents of domination, degradation, and hostility. Men can hold both types of sexist beliefs without contradicting each other “women need to be protected” and “women are incompetent at work”.

Sexist men usually sort women into two categories based on his feelings of hostile and/or benevolent sexism. Glick, Diebold, Baily – Werner, and Zhu (1997) showed that benevolent sexist males would look at an ideal woman and classify them in a traditional role, such as homemaker; whereas hostile sexist mates would look at the same woman and see them as worthless and servile.

This distinction highlights the difference in attitude between hostile sexism and benevolent sexism.

In similar study, Glick and Fiske (2001) further clarified this distinction by investigating the cultural attitudes that from the two different types of ambivalent sexism. They suggested that because men have traditionally occupied the dominant role this creates feelings of hostile sexism towards women, most likely because the men are trying to maintain that domineering role.

 

REFERENCES

Abayomi, O.O. (2000). State and Citizens, Law Researchers Nigeria Limited.

Ajayi, O.O. (2007). Gender Self-Endangering the Sexist Issues in Nigerian Politics, Journal of Political Science, Vol. 14, and pp. 137-147.

International Journal of Social and Policy Issues (2009), Volume 6.

Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, the Students’ Edition.

The New Webster’s Dictionary of English Language, International Edition Publishers, Guild Group, New York.

The International Journal of Social Inquiry (2003), Gender Studies published by Method Theresa Foundation.

Sadiqi, F. (2002). Changing Gender Dynamics in Africa, CODESRIA Bulletin, Dakar Vol. 3 & 4.

George, U.G. (1990). Theoretical Position of Gender Roles in the Society; L Ohooode (Ed), Women and the Social Role of Women in Election Campaign, Ado Ekiti.

Margaret, M. Society and Gender, Wikipedia.

Ojuolape, W. (2000). The Role of Women as a Housewife, Mother and carrier Women, being paper presented at the citizenship and leadership training center, Sea School, Apapa, Lagos, 22nd March.

Oloja, M. (2005). Why CBN Deputy Governor was removed, the Guardian Newspaper Lagos.

S.A. Effah Attoe (2002). Women in the Development of Nigeria since Pre-Colonial.

 

CHAPTER THREE

3.1     History of Political Participation of Women in Kaduna State

Kaduna State occupies part of central position in the Northern part of Nigeria with Kaduna as its capital and shares common borders with Zamfara, Katsina, Niger, Kano, Bauchi, Plateau State and Federal Capital Territory. Abuja. Kaduna state has about 23 local Governments and they are as follows: Birnin-Gwari, Chikun, Giwa, Igabi, Ikara, Jaba, Jama’a, Kachia, Kaduna North, Kaduna South, Kagarko, Kajuru, Kaura, Kauru, Kubau, Kudan, Lere, Makarfi, Sabon-Gari, Sanga, Soba, Zango – Kataf and Zaria. Kaduna State is divided into (3) three zones: The Northern zone, the Central and Southern zone. (Kaduna State Urban Planning and Development Authority, KASUPDA, 2011).

Kaduna State is located between latitude 900 and 1400 North of the equator and it occupies a land mass of about 70,210 square kilometers on the map of Nigeria. The population in the 1991 census provisional result puts of Kaduna at 3,935,618 and in 2006 census is about 6,066,562. Kaduna State is mostly populated by Hausa, Gwari, Katab and Bajju, Jaba ethnic communities with others up to 36 indigenous ethnic groups found in different part of the state. In the economic aspect about 80 percent of the State’s population engaged in Agricultural and forestry that is peasant farming producing both food and cash crops. Major religion in the state are Christianity and Islam and a fair amount of traditional religion in practice (KASUPDA, 2011).

Health Care: Apart from a large two unit University Teaching Hospital in Zaria, there are large and fully equipped government hospitals located in Zonkwa, Jama’a and Kafanchan as well as in Kaduna and Zaria.

Water Supply: The two larger ruler systems, the Kaduna and Gurara that run through the State provide opportunities for good sources of water, Kaduna State is blessed with minerals which include clay, serpenting, asbestos, gold, graphite.

In education, Kaduna State has about 20 educational institutions the most and notable one is Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

3.2     The Women Participation in the First and Second Republic

In the first republic, the parliamentary system inherited from the British colonial administration was fraught with several anomalies that the generality of Nigerian populace was less favoured and the women were the worst hit. The point has been made by many scholars that the British created a geo-polity that was structurally imblanace.

Consequently, Nigeria was dominated by the “big” North and since the North generally is an Islamized state, with less than twenty five percent of its population in other religions, the women were hardly heard in the first republic. Very few women came to the limelight.

Since the government of the first Republic perceived the mandate to govern through the parliament and with the absolute domination of the legislature by men, women were at a great disadvantage. Hajia Sawaba will for ever be credited for most of today’s political, economic and social achievements of women in the North. Prominently, it was Hajia Sawaba that fought for the exposure of female children in the North to Western education. And she will above all, be rendered for her role in breaking down the religious and cultural barriers that were used to relegate Northern women into an inferior class of humans.

In an NTA programme “A Chance to Meet” Gambo Sawaba, a woman political activist form the North extolled the virtues of Mrs. Ransome Kuti who she claimed, inspired her to become a fierce fighter. Recounting her ordeal in the lands of the British and Nigerian politicians, she recalled that it was in one of her frequent trips to the prison that she had a miscarriage which has denied her of a second child. Not only did Sawaba fight the British, she continued to influence the peasant women as she always lends her voice on topical issues, pitching her tent on the side of the masses. Arguably there were no women Ministers in Gowon’s cabinet for a long time, but there were pockets of women in the States’ cabinet and also in leadership positions in the Civil Service, Mrs. Ronke Doherty, Mrs. Folake Solanke, Professor Mrs. Bolante, Awe, Mrs. Sarah Jibril to mention but few, were Commissioners.

Under Buhari regime, women’s fortune declined relatively. This is not surprisingly as that regime is generally recognized as very repressive, conservative and reactionary. However, with the advocacy by women in the advanced nations of the world, coupled with the realization that half of the world population were women, the United Nations Organization (UNO) launched a violent attach on the prejudice against women in the declaration of the years 1985 to 1995 as the decade for women, it only required the effort of women of caliber to effect UNO’s resolution.

 

 

3.3     The Women Participation in the Third and Fourth Republic

In early 1990s, Mrs. Pamela Sadauki was appointed as a Deputy Governor in Kaduna State under the regime of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida under the Presidency of Mrs. Emily Aig Imouhuede, the National Council for Women Societies (NCWS) in 1989 set up a task force on the political transition programme. The task force contributed substantially in raising the level of political awareness of Nigerian women. One remarkable thing though was that this was the first time that the NCWS made an attempt to raise funds for some female aspirants. Between 1993 and 1995 another task force on political awareness under the Chairmanship of Mrs. Sarah Jibril, the first woman Presidential aspirant was set up by NCWS.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the NCWS served as a pressure group for the empowerment of women. The NCWS had worked closely with government and it agencies such as the Ministry of Women Affairs under Dr. Gambo Laraba Abdullahi.

The third Republic shares many similarities with the Second Republic except that the former was a diarchy. As in the Second Republic, only few women featured in the third republic. Sadauki and another woman.

The fourth Republic which commenced in May 29, 1999 has the following female viz: Chief Mrs. Titi Ajanaku, Mrs. Pauline Talma, Dr. Mrs. Kema Ndalolo, Mrs. Dupe Adelaja, Hadizah Mailafiya, Minister Environment, Hon. Esther Abba, Amina Dalhatu, Member House of Assembly, Hajiya Aishatu Ibrahim Medina, Maria Dogo Kaduna State Commissioner for Women Affairs and social development. Considering the fact that there are fifty ministers and ministers of the state, the number of women in Obasanjo’s government is so insignificant that women are yet to have any impact in the fourth Republic. Out of the thirty-six speakers in the House of Assembly in the thirty six states in Nigeria, only the Benue State has a female Speaker and only the one State Edo State has a woman head of service. In the 1990 elections into local governments heralding the third Republic, very few women emerged as Councilors and only one woman, Chief Mrs. Titilayo Ajanaku, emerged as Chairperson of a local Government Council in the West.

During the gubernatorial elections, no female governor emerged in any of the States. Only two female Deputy Governors emerged, namely: Alhaja Sinatu Ojikutu of Lagos State and Mrs. Cecilia Akpenyong of Cross River State. In the Senatorial election held in 1992, Mrs. Kofo Bucknor Akerele was the only woman who won a seat in the Senate.

Very few women won election into the House of Representatives. Of the these few was Chief Mrs. Florence Itagiwa who won in the Calabar Constituency under the banner of the National Republic Convention (NRC). Amongst the members of the Transitional Council appointed by President Babangida in January 1993, only two were women, namely: Mrs. Emily Aikmhokuede and Mrs. Laraba Dagash.

In the interim National Government of Chief Ernest Shonekan, two female ministers were appointed into the Cabinet. General Abacha had a number of femae ministers at various times in his cabinet, including Chief Mrs. Onikepo Akande and Ambassador Judith Attach. During the military regime of General Abdulsalami Abubakar 1998 to 1999 there were two women in the Federal Executive Council. In the fourth Republic which in 1999, the Nigerian political terrain has witnessed an increase in the number of women political appointees, even though women did not perform well at the elections. In the election held before 1999, few women emerged as Chairpersons of Local Government Councils. A number of women won elections as Councilors. There is no female Governor in the State of the Federation. Only Lagos state produced a female Deputy Governor in the person of Senator Buchnor Akrele. In the National Assembly, there are only three women in the state and only 12 women in the House of Representatives.

From the result of the primaries conducted by different political parties in the April 2003 we can fish out the number of women that were able to gain their respective parties tickets fro the April 2003 Mrs. Sarah Jibril emerged the Presidential candidate on the platform of people Action Congress (PAC) while Major Mojisola Adekunle Obasnajo is the Presidential flag bearer of the masses movement in Nigeria. Hajiya Asmau and Hajia Mairo Baturiya Habib are Vice-Presidential Candidates of African Renaissance Party and Justice Party respectively. Kofo Buckno – Akerele was given the gubernatorial ticket of the United Nigeria Peoples Party in Lagos State, Teju Abiola was elected the Deputy Governor Candidate of National Conscience Party (NCP) in Lagos State. The 1995 UN fourth conference on Women, Beijing conference, two of the successful women politicians who are two term legislators, Honourable Saudatu Sani and Binta Koje told participants that 100 women Group Strategy worked for them. Honourable Saudatu Sani said the Agenda was developed 15 years ago but the issues it sought to address were still important for effective participation of women in politics and public life. The female Senators and Members of the House of Representatives, led by Senator Aisha Jummai Alhassan, Senator Nenadi Usman, which she has been into politics for long and have held different positions in the State and Federation.

3.4     Women Participation in 2011 General Election in Kaduna State

Mrs. Nenadi Usman, Senator for Kaduna South under the PDP platform and she won, Amina Dalhatu, Sabon Gari Member House of Assembly – PDP lost out, Deborah O. Iliya – CPC lost out, Barrister Rukayya Dikko – ANPP lost out, Iliyasu A. Jerry – LP lost out, Esther Dyaji Habu Mrs Sanga – PDP won, Lovelina Chioma Okpara, Makera – APGA lost out, Hon. Hadiza Ibrahim Arab, U/Sunusi – ACN lost out, Patricia O. Agubola, U/Sunusi – LP lost out, Hon. Esther Abba, Zangon Kataf – PDP won, Susan Onche, Kaduna South – NSDP lost out, Hajiya Halima Tijjani, Kaduna Central for Senate – lost out, Hon. Comfort Amoee, Chairperson of Sanga – ACN lost out, Hon. Tabitha Yauza, Sanga, House of Assembly – PDP lost out (Source: Independent National Electoral Commission [INEC, 2011]).

In conclusion, from the first, second, third and fourth Republic, only few women engaged in political participation in Kaduna State. Women such as Gambo Sawaba who contributed a lot by fighting for women in the Northern region to have freedom of participation in decision making positions; Mrs. Pamela Dasauki, once a Deputy Governor of Kaduna State, Saudatu Sani a great politician, Binta Koji, Nenadi Usman also contributed in women participation in politics; Sarah Jibril as presidential candidate also contributed a lot among others (Women’s Advocate, 1999).

Women in Kaduna State have occupied in back bench in the political terrain due to economic disadvantage, religious and socio-cultural attitude of the Northern society.

 

REFERENCES

Effah, A. (2002). Problems Militating against Women in Politics.

Faseke, M. (2001). The Nigerian Woman: Her Economic and Socio-Political Status in Time Perspective. Ibadan: Agape Publication.

National and State Provisional Totals, 2006 Census, Nigeria.

Women’s Advocate, Securing Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. A quarterly publication of League of Democratic Women (LEADS), Vol. 2, No. 5, 1999.

 

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.1     Introduction

This chapter shows how data was obtained from the field were presented and analysed. One hundred and ten (110) questionnaires were distributed to the respondents; 100 were properly filled and returned while the remaining 10 was not returned. To this end, the chapter describes respondents characteristic, analysis of research questions.

4.2     Respondents’ Characteristics

Table 4.1: Distribution of Respondents by Gender

Respondent Gender
  Variable Frequency Percentage
  Male 56 56.0
  Female 44 44.0
  Total 100 100

 

Table 4.1 displays respondents gender. To this end, the analysis indicates that the male respondents is 56.0 percent while respondents distribution of female makes up 44.0 percent.

Table 4.2: Distribution of Respondents by Age Grade

Respondents Age Grade
  Variable Frequency Percentage
  11 – 21 6 6.0
  21 – 30 49 49.0
  31 – 40 29 29.0
  41 and above 16 16.0
  Total 100 100

Table 4.2 displays respondent’s age grade. The analysis shows that respondents that are between the ages of eleven to twenty were about 6.0 percent, respondents within the age bracket of 21 to thirty makes up 49.0 percent. Other respondents that were interviewed are respondents between the age the age bracket of thirty to forty years of age, this categories of respondents were about 29.0 percent while the last but not the least are respondents between age forty one and above which makes up 16.0 percent.

Table 4.3: Distribution of Respondents by Marital Status

Respondents Marital Status
  Variable Frequency Percentage
  Single 58 58.0
  Married 34 34.0
  Divorced 10 10.0
  Widowed 8 8.0
  Total 100 100

 

Table 4.3 displays respondents marital status, to this end, 58.0 percent, married respondents sum up to 34.0 percent, the divorce or divorcees were put at 10.0 percent of the total respondents. The other categories of respondents are those that are widows/widowers. This group makes up 8.0 percent.

 

 

Table 4.4: Distribution of Respondents by Religion

Respondents‘ Religion Affiliation
  Variable Frequency Percentage
  Christianity 61 61.0
  Islam 32 32.0
  Tradition 7 7.0
  Total 100 100

 

Table 4.4 shows the distribution of respondents according to religion, Christians make up 61.0 percent of the total respondents, Muslims consists of 32.0 percent of the respondents, though it is very rare but not withstanding respondents that were traditional worshippers and pagans make up 7.0 percent of the respondents.

Table 4.5:  Distribution by educational level

Educational Level Frequency Percentage
Primary 4 4.0
Secondary 18 18.0
Diploma/NCE 29 29.0
Degree 34 34.0
Masters 10 10.0
None of the above 5 5.0
Total 100 100

 

Table 4.5 shows distribution by level of education. The table depicts the total level of education of the respondents. From the information gathered respondents that attended primary, secondary schools, Diploma/NCE certificates are about 4.0 percent, 18.0 percent and 29.0 percent respectively. Other respondents include holders of master degrees within 10.0 percent and those that did not attend any form of school represents 5.0 percent of the respondents.

Table 4.6: Distribution of occupational level

Occupational Level Frequency Percentage
Farmer 4 4.0
Student 11 11.0
Business 18 18.0
Civil servant 41 41.0
Unemployment 24 24.0
Total 100 100

 

From the table above, 4 respondents representing 4.0 percent admitted that they were farmers and respondents that were students make sup 11.0 percent. In a more broader view, respondents that engage in various business, civil servants, unemployed comprises 18.0 percent, 41.0 percent and 24.0 percent respectively.

4.3     Analysis of Data

Table 4.7: Distribution Assessment of Women Participation

Variable Frequency Percentage
Very good 25 25.0
Good 36 36.0
Fair 29 29.0
Poor 10 10.0
Total 100 100

The assessment of women participation in politics in 2011 general election shows that 25.0 percent of the respondents attributed that the participation of women was very good, 36.0 percent of respondents said that women participation was good and 29.0 percent acknowledge that it was fair. The remaining 10.0 percent pointed that women participation was poor.

Table 4.8: Possibility of having a female president

Variable Frequency Percentage
Yes 43 43.0
No 57 57.0
Total 100 100

 

The above table shows that 43.0 percent admitted that there is a possibility of a woman becoming a president while 57.0 percent said that there is not possibility of a woman becoming a president because of men’s domination.

Table 4.9: Depict if discrimination is responsible for female failure in 2011 general election

Variable Frequency Percentage
Yes 68 68.0
No 32 32.0
Total 100 100

 

The total number of respondents that admitted that men discrimination is responsible for the failure of women in 2011 general election are about 68.0 percent while those that did not agree that discrimination of men against women added to women failure in 2011 general election are about 32.0 percent of the total respondents.

Table 4.10: If the respondent voted for a female candidate in 2011 general election

Variable Frequency Percentage
Yes 39 39.0
No 61 61.0
Total 100 100

 

The table above depicts that 39.0 percent of the respondents admitted voting a female candidate during the 2011 general election in Kaduna State while 61.0 percent said that they did not vote for any female candidate during the 2011 general elections in Kaduna State.

Figure 4.1: Showing the nature of women failure in 2011 general elections

The figure above indicates that 21.0 percent of the respondents said that the failure of women in the 2011 general election was as a result of lack of money for campaign, 13.0 percent attributed the failure of women in the 2011 general election to religious reasons. The table also shows that 31.0 percent, 9.0 percent an 26.0 percent have respondents that indicated that the failure of women in 2011 general election was as a result of lack of confidence, party influences and men determination in politics.

Table 4.11: Shows distribution by the choices of candidate and if roles of wife and motherhood too demand to permit women into active participation in politics

Variable Frequency Percentage
Party affiliation 16 16.0
Religion consideration 5 5.0
Credibility of the candidate 72 72.0
Ethical tribe consideration 7 7.0
Total 100 100

 

16.0 percent of the respondents made reference to party affiliation to be the reason behind the device of candidate, 5.0 percent revealed that religious consideration played a major role in their choice of candidate while 72.0 percent respondents revealed that credibility of the candidate played a role in choosing their candidates. The last but not the least are respondents that said their choice of candidate was as a result of ethical/tribe consideration, this set of respondents make up 7.0 percent.

Table 4.12: If wife and marital status is too demanding to permit active participation politics

Variable Frequency Percentage
Yes 34 34.0
No 66 66.0
Total 100 100

 

The table above also depict the responses of respondents that revealed that marital obligation is too demanding to permit active participation of women in politics. The other set of respondents are those that revealed that marital obligation was not a criteria to determine the active participation of women in politics. This group of people have a total of 34.0 percent and 66.0 percent respectively.

 

 

 

 

Figure 4.2: Shows the distribution of respondents towards women failure in 2011 election as a result of economic disadvantage

57.0 percent of the respondents advocated that economic disadvantage has contributed to the failure of women in the 2011 general elections in Kaduna State while 43.0 percent of the other half of the respondents said economic disadvantage was not the cause of the failure of women in the 2011 general elections in Kaduna State.

 

Table 4.13: Depict whether social and cultural attitudes of the Northern societies are to be responsible for the failure of women.

Variable Frequency Percentage
Yes 75 75.0
No 25 25.0
Total 100 100

 

The table above indicates that 75.0 percent of the respondents advocated socio-cultural attitudes of the northern societies to be responsible for failure of women while 25.0 percent said that the above factors are not a major determinants in the failure of women in politics.

 

CHAPTER FIVE

5.0      SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter summarises all activities and outcomes involved in this study. It also presents the final conclusion of this study as well as recommendations which are based on these findings of the study.

5.1      Summary of Findings

From the summary obtained in the research work, the view was that women actually face massive obstacles which hinders their participation in politics. Apart from the fact that majority men do not allow their wives to participate in politics, the study also revealed that a lot of women believe that politics will prevent them from taking care of their families. From the research work conducted, it was also noticed that as a result of the domineering attitude of the men in the field of politics, little chance have been presented to the women in order for them to involve actively in the political arena of Kaduna state.

Furthermore, the hypothesis shows that economic disadvantage played a key role in the poor performance of women in the 2011 general election in Kaduna state. So therefore the hypothesis was accepted because there is a correlation between low participation of women in politics and economic disadvantage in the study area.

5.2     Conclusion

Women have failed to acknowledge the existing gender competition in the contemporary world. The failure of women to realise this have resulted into certain outcomes such as perceiving politics as a dirty game, name calling of female politicians as deviant and voting over-whelming for men contestant rather women in elections.

The poor level of women consciousness regarding sex class struggle between them and men is a product of two deficiencies, majority of Kaduna state women are illiterate. As much as 61% of the women population suffer from intellectual poverty (Ojuolape, 2000:7). Kaduna state has consistently fail to abide by the internationally agreed 30% affirmative actions (1985 Nairobi and 1995 Beijing United Nation declarations and the 1999 convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women) on gender equality in the political process. Affirmative instrument for gender mainstreaming, a gender character principles (GCP) should be enacted as part of the nation’s constitution.

 

 

 

  • Recommendations

The recommendations of the research findings are as follows:

  • There should be an established law that will give both men and women equal platform to participate in the politics in every state especially Kaduna state.
  • In order to ensure active participation of women in politics, Government and political parties should increase the level of awareness of women by organising seminars, workshops not only in the cities but also in the villages.
  • Women should be oriented about the need to participate in politics.
  • Government at all level should encourage Girl child education which can be made compulsory that all female of school age should go to school free of charge. This will give them equal opportunity with their male counterparts.
  • Enactment of legal framework by the national assembly that would make it mandatory for government at all levels to ensure 40% women representation in all affairs of the state. Such gender sensitive legislation will also alter the prevailing sexist attitude, and therefore guarantee women’s political future.
  • Adequate inclusion of women in governance will give more meaning to the nation emerging democracy.
  • The level of discrimination against women should be stopped to allow gender equality between men and women in politics

 

REFERENCES

Abayomi, O.O. (2000). State and Citizens, Law Researchers Nigeria Limited.

Ajayi, O.O. (2007). Gender Self-Endangering the Sexist Issues in Nigerian Politics, Journal of Political Science, Vol. 14, and pp. 137-147.

Benue Valley Journal of Humanities, Vol. 6, No. 2, December 2005.

Effah, A. (2002). Problems Militating against Women in Politics.

Faseke, M. (2001). The Nigerian Woman: Her Economic and Socio-Political Status in Time Perspective. Ibadan: Agape Publication.

George, U.G. (1990). Theoretical Position of Gender Roles in the Society; L Ohooode (Ed), Women and the Social Role of Women in Election Campaign, Ado Ekiti.

Ibrahim, J. and Salihu, A. [ed] (2004). Women Marginalization and Politics, Abuja: Osiwa Global Right CDD, pp. 7.

International Journal of Social and Policy Issues (2009), Volume Number 1 and 2.

International Journal of Social and Policy Issues (2009), Volume 6.

Margaret, M. Society and Gender, Wikipedia.

National and State Provisional Totals, 2006 Census, Nigeria.

Ojuolape, W. (2000). The Role of Women as a Housewife, Mother and carrier Women, being paper presented at the citizenship and leadership training center, Sea School, Apapa, Lagos, 22nd March.

Oloja, M. (2005). Why CBN Deputy Governor was removed, the Guardian Newspaper Lagos.

Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, New Edition, Vienna Declaration 1993: Articles 1 and 8.

S.A. Effah Attoe (2002). Women in the Development of Nigeria since Pre-Colonial.

Zungur, Sa’adu (1999). An Anthropology of the Social and Political Writings of a Nigerian Nationalist.

Sadiqi, F. (2002). Changing Gender Dynamics in Africa, CODESRIA Bulletin, Dakar Vol. 3 & 4.

The International Journal of Social Inquiry (2003), Gender Studies published by Method Theresa Foundation.

The New Webster’s Dictionary of English Language, International Edition Publishers, Guild Group, New York.

Women’s Advocate, Securing Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. A quarterly publication of League of Democratic Women (LEADS), Vol. 2, No. 5, 1999.

 

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX

Department of ..

 

Dear Respondent,

 

                                      RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE

Dear Respondent,

I am a … undertaking a research on the topic: “Gender Inequality and Women Participation in Politic: 2011 General Election (A Case Study of Kaduna State)”.

I will be pleased if you could answer the following questions to the best of your knowledge. All your responses will be treated confidentially since it is mainly for academic purpose.

Instruction: Please tick as appropriate and write where necessary.

SECTION A

1)       Sex:   a. Male         [    ]

  1. Female [    ]

2)       Age:   a. 11 -20 years [    ]                   b. 21 – 30 years [    ]

  1. 31 – 40 years [ ]                  c. 41 and above [    ]

3)       Marital Status: a. Married [    ]             b. Single                [    ]

  1. Divorced [    ]          d. Widow/Widower [    ]

4)       Religion:      a. Christianity [    ]           b. Islam [    ]

  1. Traditional [ ]            d. Pagan [    ]

 

5)       What is your educational qualification?

  1. a) Primary School                [    ]
  2. b) Secondary School            [    ]
  3. c) Diploma/NCE                  [    ]
  4. d) Degree/HND                   [    ]
  5. e) Masters and above           [    ]
  6. d) None of the above           [    ]

6)       What is your occupation?

  1. a) Farmer                   [    ]
  2. b) Student                  [    ]
  3. c) Business                [    ]
  4. d) Civil Servant          [    ]
  5. e) Unemployed          [    ]

SECTION B

Gender Inequality and women participation in politics, a case study of Kaduna State 2011 election.

7)       How can you assess women participation in 2011 general election in Kaduna State?

  1. a) Very Good  [    ]
  2. b) Good           [    ]
  3. c) Fair              [    ]
  4. d) Poor             [    ]

8)       Do you think we can have a female President in Nigeria?

  1. a) Yes    [    ]
  2. b) No     [    ]

9)       If yes, please state reasons:

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

10)     Is men discrimination in politics responsible for women failure in 2011 general election in Kaduna State?

  1. a) Yes    [    ]
  2. b) No     [    ]

11)     Did you vote for female candidate in 2011 general election in Kaduna State?

  1. a) Yes    [    ]
  2. b) No     [    ]

 

 

12)     If yes, why did you vote her?

  1. a) Money                             [    ]
  2. b) Personality of the candidate[    ]
  3. c) Religion consideration     [    ]
  4. d) Influence of the family    [    ]
  5. e) Party identification           [    ]

13)     What was the rationale behind women failure in 2011 general election in Kaduna State?

  1. a) Money for campaign       [    ]
  2. b) Religion reason                [    ]
  3. c) Lack of confidence          [    ]
  4. d) Party influence                 [    ]
  5. e) Men determination in politics [    ]

14)     What informed your choice of a candidate?

  1. a) Party affiliation                [    ]
  2. b) Religious consideration     [    ]
  3. c) Credibility of the candidate [    ]
  4. d) Ethnic/tribe consideration [ ]

15)     Are the roles of wife and mother too demanding to permit women into active participation in politics?

  1. a) Yes    [    ]
  2. b) No     [    ]

16)     If yes, please state reason(s):——————————————————————————————————————————————————

17)     Is economic disadvantage responsible for women failure in 2011 election in Kaduna State?

  1. a) Yes    [    ]
  2. b) No     [    ]

18)     a) Is social, cultural and attitude of the Northern society responsible for women failure in politics?

Yes    [    ]

No     [    ]

  1. a) If yes, please state your reasons: —————————————————————————————————————————————–
  2. b) If no, please state your reasons: —————————————————————————————————————————————–

 

 

CHAPTER ONE

1.0     INTRODUCTION

1.1     BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The Nigerian capital market is a long term end of the Nigeria financial system just as the money market is its short-termed in other words, the capital market performs for the economy, at the long-term end, the functions which the money market performs at the short-term end of the spectrum. Thus, while those who are short of funds and need to borrow for short-term propose borrow from the money market, those who are short of fund and are desirous of borrowing for the long-term go to the capital market, those who are short of fund and are  desirous of borrowing for the long-term go to  the capital market.

Similarly while those who have funds surplus to their immediate requirements and wish to lend or invest these funds for short-term periods do so in the money market, those who have such funds and to lend there for long periods invest or lend these funds to  capital market.

 

The regulation of financial markets and the liberation of economies capital flows in sere veal African countries raise a number of challenging issues. Policy makers and practitioners are concerned and involved with these issues. A vast set of issues concerns the setting up and designs of capital market operation (trading structures). This employs the philosophy of capital market building, the role of capital market (stock) market in achieving the overall financial objectives (auctions and dealership) choice for the relative competitiveness of emerging stock markets, connections between innovative in trading and regulations world market.

 

1.2     STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The Nigerian stock exchange has undergone a tremendous revolution over the years. After about 38 years of establishment, the Nigerian stock exchange can be said to have existed long enough to permit a capital look at its structure and development. The stock exchange long enough to permit a capital look at its structure and development. The stock exchange or its establishment was expected to provide appropriate machinery to facilitate further offering to stock and shares to the general public in the private sector of the economy, encourage the investment of savings so soon as it is clear that stocks and shares are readily available.

However, any doubt the importance of domestic capital market  in ensuring a balanced economic growth should have been dispelled following the experience of most countries since 1980’s. The chronic problems of national and corporate indebted have  driven the futility of combining  too much short term with too  little long term equity.

Things have not been that “smooth” for the Nigerian capital market as intended as at the time of establishment. There are some constrains in this sector. It is believed in some quarters of the economy that the Nigeria capital market is underdeveloped  and has not shown substantial growth since  independence. And that shares are rarely traded and  prices do not reflect trading features of the listed  companies.

Also it is feared that the Nigeria capital market has “too many” things to do that it will be unable to develop it’s market structure effectively and efficiently.